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1.
Journal of Security and Strategic Analyses ; 8(2):124-144, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2277186

ABSTRACT

UNSC debate on the maritime security-initiated discussion on response and reaction plan not only for particular countries and regions overall. The Eastern part of the Indian Ocean (IO) has been a boiling cauldron due to the race of maritime hegemony, maritime alliances for economic cum security dimensions and choking important points of maritime trade in crisis. The outbreak of Covid heavily restricted global supply chains. Security cooperation should focus on 'reassurance' rather than 'deterrence' to create the desired security order in which multilateral frameworks may be formed. In this scenario, security interactions would help nation-states converge their national interests and minimize a zero-sum security situation. UNSC debate on maritime security demands for cooperative security approach through a framework of likeminded states. Pakistan foresees this debate as an increasing challenge by constructing the role of the Pakistan Navy to perform and ensure its capacities for maritime security in the long run. The paper presents the response to Indian Duplicities in the wake of the Russian proposal for maritime security management at UNSC in 2021. Strategic analysis with qualitative research method and exploratory approach is adopted in this research with pertinent and feasible findings.

2.
Tourism in Marine Environments ; 17(4):231-248, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2286136

ABSTRACT

The drastic growth of cruise tourism in the world, while potentially beneficial for economic growth in local communities, also brings concerns regarding environmental impacts. This research used the port of Ísafjörður, Iceland, a growing hotspot destination for cruise ships, as a case study to aid in understanding the potential environmental impacts from cruise ships. The study's aims were: 1) to determine the quantity and type of waste discharged to the shore facilities by cruise ships in Ísafjörður in 2019, and 2) to explore the compliance behavior of the ships in adhering to Icelandic and international environmental regulations. To do this, quantitative and qualitative questions were presented in a survey to officers from 40 cruise ships, accounting for 87% of the total 46 different ships that docked in Ísafjörður in the 2019 cruise ship season. The survey questions were designed based on the MARPOL Convention and the law of Iceland, and these questions were compared with the ship's statutory record or ship's certificates to strengthen the reliability of the data. The questions covered five categories: emissions, waste oil, wastewater, garbage and food waste, and ballast water. Results showed that very little garbage and food waste had been discharged to shore facilities, and this was likely because Ísafjörður is one of several stops for many cruise ships in Iceland and the waste had simply been discharged elsewhere. In assessing the other four categories, 8 out of the 40 cruise ships carried out illegal activities, including 12 specific violation cases. This article discusses three primary reasons for those violations: accessibility, inconsistency, and monitoring. This research was conducted pre-COVID-19;however, by 2022 cruise ship calls in Ísafjörður approached preCOVID-19 numbers. Interested parties such as local communities, national decision makers, tourism boards, municipal planners, and environmental agencies must use the best available knowledge, such as this study, to manage the positive and negative aspects of the growth of cruise ship tourism, and perhaps even more so in a post-COVID-19 phase.

3.
Nature ; 607(7917):28, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1931355
4.
Environmental Policy and Law ; 52(1):21-37, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1870511

ABSTRACT

The negotiation of the future Agreement governing the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction is in its final stage. Essentially a treaty for the protection of general interests, the Agreement can generate several benefits for the governance of the oceans. However, in the first three sessions of the intergovernmental conference, deep discrepancies have emerged with respect to the core issues of the package agreed in 2011. This article identifies various formulas and strategies that have been considered in the negotiations and incorporated in the Revised draft text as possible regulatory options with the potential to bring positions closer and facilitate the agreement: avoiding explicit reference to the legal status of marine genetic resources;the incorporation of differential and contextual norms;the introduction of due diligence obligations;the incorporation of internal soft law;and the reduction of the scope of the treaty. These options may help to provide flexibility and differentiation in the regulation but, as essentially pragmatic measures, they tend to sacrifice the ambition of the final Agreement. On the other hand, if States assume their real role and responsibility in the process - that of interpreters of general interest and custodians of marine biodiversity - they would be in a better position to find novel and more ambitious solutions for bringing this crucial Agreement to fruition. This article advocates a return to basics and the placing of the marine environment at the centre of the regulations.

5.
International Journal of Cyber Criminology ; 15(1):17-30, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1835465

ABSTRACT

Owing to the density of the traffic in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore (SOMS), the Traffic Separation Scheme (TSS) did succeed to implement a governance principle between Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore, the three surrounding nations around SOMS), but there still remained several navigational challenges and threats to maritime such as cybersecurity issues, navigation theftand other types of cybercrimes. This study employed an explorative research design, and made use of documentation research method for data collection. This study unearthed several layers of the cyber and information security domain known as maritime cybersecurity and explored various types of cyber security issues that might prevent the smooth functioning of Traffic Separation Schemes and other shipping communication networks in the SOMS region. This study fulfills the long felt need of examining the existing provisions of regulatory frameworks and the vulnerabilities of e-navigation in the TSS and assessing the cyber security of shipping activities in the Malacca straits. While investigating the landscape of cyber threats amidst actual incidents in the maritime sector, this study forewarns the shipping companies against cyber risks and threats. It also recommends how cybersecurity could be improved in the maritime sector over time, and hopefully it might inspire further research work.

6.
Asia Policy ; 17(2):28-34, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1824101
7.
IUP Journal of International Relations ; 16(1):26-43, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1766844

ABSTRACT

In last few decades, oceans are perceived only as everyone's resource but no one's responsibility. After the publication of Gunter Pauli's book The Blue Economy (2010) and declaration of UN's Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), there is a call for efficient and sustainable use of ocean resources. Blue economy is all about oceanrelated sustainable development model and has a huge potential in income and employment generation. A fundamental change is required in the way the world's marine economy is managed. The Indian subcontinent (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Maldives) has a huge coastline, but unlike Small Island Developing States (SIDS), it is hardly able to develop a comprehensive, integrated blue economy policy at regional level due to border and other disputed transboundary issues. All the above-mentioned countries of the Indian subcontinent are part of Indian Ocean Rim region but not part of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) which can play a potential role in building a comprehensive strategy for sustainable management of the Indian Ocean. The Covid-19 pandemic has affected most of the sectors associated with blue economy However, the pandemic has also delivered unusual environmental benefits through reduced economic activity and consequent curb on ocean emissions and air and water pollution. Therefore, the objective of the paper is to understand the prospects and lessons of blue economy in the post-pandemic world order as a common policy paradigm in the Indian subcontinent region for sustainable ocean governance in the near future.

8.
Sustainability ; 13(18):10243, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1765921

ABSTRACT

The International Maritime Organization (IMO) plays a significant role in global marine environmental governance, providing a forum of regulatory oversight for member states. Member states are the main actors of the IMO and exert considerable influence on the process of lawmaking. Among these member states, China is unique due to its multiple identities. There are various factors influencing interests behind China’s multiple identities, which fully engage the country in various shipping and maritime trade activities. This article examines China’s role in the IMO marine environmental regulatory governance. It identifies the impact of China on global ocean governance and indicates the development and reforms in the global governance system. China enacted the China Ocean Agenda 21 for its strategy of ocean development. Thus, China is the object of study in this examination of empirical research that collects submissions from 2001 to 2020 related to marine environmental governance. The findings reveal that the extent to which China participates in such governance has considerably increased, and although the contribution of China’s submissions is still in development, its role in the IMO is no longer merely that of a follower, and the efforts of the country have had a positive influence on the IMO’s marine environmental regulatory governance, including its legal instruments.

9.
Sustainability ; 14(4):2185, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1715690

ABSTRACT

Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from human activities are driving climate change and are currently at their highest levels in history. The international community, through the United Nations process, places great emphasis on the decarbonisation of our economies across all sectors. GHG emissions from maritime transport, even if considered the most carbon efficient method of transportation, are projected to increase if no action is taken to decarbonise, and thus pressure has extended to the maritime sector to contribute to the significant GHG emission cuts necessary. The paths by which the maritime sector can contribute to the achievement of the international target of GHG reduction by 2050 are still being determined, but numerous promising options exist. This paper aims to provide an overview of action towards decarbonisation by the international maritime sector, and to assess how Cyprus, an important flag state, can contribute to decarbonisation efforts. A participatory approach was used, through implementation of the EIT Climate-KIC’s Deep Demonstrations methodology, as part of the ‘ Zero-Net Emissions, Resilient Maritime Hubs in Cyprus’ project. The results were used to identify a portfolio of actions related to policy and regulatory development, education and re-skilling, technological development, and operation optimisation, which can support the decarbonisation of the maritime sector in Cyprus.

10.
Vayu Aerospace and Defence Review ; - (6):46-56, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1651737

ABSTRACT

A wide range of operations like Anti - Submarine, Surface Manoeuvers, Replenishment at Sea approach, Firing on target, Visit Board Search & Seizure (VBSS), Steam Past, Air Defence, Air Picture Compilation, Vertical Replenishment and crossdeck operations were exercised by the ships. Eastern Fleet Ships on overseas operational deployment In pursuit of India's Act East' policy and to enhance military cooperation with friendly countries, a Task Force of Indian Navy's Eastern Fleet is on an Overseas Deployment to South East Asia, the South China Sea and Western Pacific for over two months. Besides regular port calls, the task group will operate in conjunction with friendly navies, to build military relations and develop interoperability in the conduct of maritime operations. Indian Navy Ships Shivalik and Kadmatt are the latest indigenously designed and built, multi-role guided missile stealth frigate and anti-submarine corvette respectively, and form part of the Indian Navy's Eastern Fleet based at Visakhapatnam under the Eastern Naval Command.

11.
Asia Policy ; 16(4):65-76, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1624392

ABSTRACT

U.S. president Joe Biden has announced that "America is back," and in contrast to his predecessor's unilateral and transactional "America first" policy, he has sought to assure world leaders of the U.S. commitment to multilateralism and renewed engagement with allies and partners. The Biden administration, however, has taken office at a time when Southeast Asian perceptions of U.S. power have declined dramatically. According to the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute's "State of Southeast Asia: 2021 Survey Report," 49% of Southeast Asian elites view China as the region's most influential political and strategic power compared to only 30% for the United States, a marked shift from a decade ago.1 Rising Southeast Asian concerns about China's growing economic and strategic influence, combined with a desire for assistance in overcoming the Covid-19 health and economic crises, create opportunities for the Biden administration to enhance ties in the region. At the same time, long-standing concerns about U.S. commitment to the region and a fear that the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry will pressure Southeast Asian states to choose sides are key obstacles to strengthening ties. China is the largest trading partner of most Southeast Asian states and a leading source of investment across the region. Leaders seeking to maintain their strategic autonomy in an increasingly complex external environment may welcome the Biden administration's pledge of renewed attention and support for allies and partners, but no state wants to be forced into a binary choice between Washington and Beijing.This essay analyzes the opportunities and obstacles facing the Biden administration as it seeks to strengthen ties with Southeast Asian states as part of its broader Indo-Pacific strategy. The essay begins by briefly outlining the trajectory of U.S. policy toward Southeast Asia over the past decade, tracing the shift from the Obama administration's "rebalance" policy to the Trump administration's "free and open Indo-Pacific" strategy to illustrate which aspects of each policy were welcome in Southeast Asia and why. It then outlines the Biden administration's Indo-Pacific policy, Southeast Asia's place within it, and U.S. diplomatic efforts toward the region to date. The Biden administration got off to a slow start engaging Southeast Asia, and there is a distinct perception that the Quad rather than the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is the preferred vehicle for engagement. At a time when promoting health security and economic recovery are Southeast Asia's key interests, vaccine diplomacy provides an opportunity for the United States, while the lack of a trade strategy is an obstacle. Southeast Asian countries are mostly keen to enhance ties with the United States but also do not wish to be seen as joining a U.S.-sponsored anti-China containment policy.

12.
Ann Tour Res ; 86: 103066, 2021 Jan.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-838321

ABSTRACT

In the COVID-19 context will coastal States open their ports to cruise ships to meet the needs of people in danger? Can they prefer a more self-centered approach to protect their territory and exercise their sovereignty? The purpose of this study is to analyze the legal framework for the management of health risk by coastal States in the context of the coronavirus threat on cruise ships. The lack of a clearly defined common management strategy in face of major health risk complicates the situation. Only cooperation between flag States and port States will make it possible to overcome any conflicts of implementation between the State sovereignty principle and assistance to persons in distress at sea.

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